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Theories
of Communication MCM 511
VU
LESSON
32
POLITICAL
ECONOMIC THEORY III
Graham
in 1990 argues that it is
only by understanding the organization of
the industry that we
can
comprehend
why certain media products are
made and Distributed as well
as their content and form.
Graham
says that the process of
production, the deployment of media
worker, the division of
labour,
the
means of distribution need to be
considered in order to make a decision
about `who can say
what
to
whom'.
Graham
identifies a number of features of the media
industries that are
determined by their
specific
means
of production and distribution e.g. he
points out the unique nature of the
product
manufactured
by the media industries, which has
shaped the methods used to
find markets. They
are
unlike
most other products in that
they need to have novelty
value a newspaper has to be
new
every
day, while music recordings have to have
different sounds; and they
are not destroyed in the
process
of consumption-reading a book or watching
a film does not make it
unavailable to other
people.
Media
products are then, costly to produce
with a high degree of
initial investment, but
cheap to
reproduce,
which encourages the industries to
seek to maximize their
audiences as the preferred
profit
maximization strategy. He argues
that this is the reason for
the concentration,
internationalization
and diversification of ownership.
·
Concentration
allows owners relative freedom in
their attempts to maximize
audience.
·
Internationalization
allows them to search for
market across the
globe.
·
Diversification
allows them to reproduce the same product
across a variety of media.
Curran
and his colleagues in 1980 illustrate the
relationship between economic and market
factors
and
media content through their analysis of the
growth of the human interest story in the
press .They
trace
how such stories have
increasingly replaced public affairs
and political coverage in the
press
but
in particular tabloid press
.So to remain commercially
viable tabloid newspapers have to
attract
the
maximum number of readers they
can and to do this they
concentrate on human stories,
which
are
popular amongst their target
audiences. Thus the economic realities of
tabloid newspaper
production
necessitate proprietors and
workers adopting a product
that presents consumers with
a
particular
way of learning about
events.
This
is not deliberate act by owners to
spread particular views but
the out come of economic
necessity.
So what structuralists claim is that
media workers do have control over the
output of the
media
but they have to operate within economic
environment, which shapes
their decisions and
actions
the nature of this environment is such
that the decisions they make and actions
they
undertake
are conditioned to producing
views that are by and
large pro-capitalists, pro-business
and
hostile
to alternative or minority
opinion.
Criticism
First
let's compare the position of
political economy from the traditional
liberal-pluralist approach.
1.
Liberal-pluralist approach represents the media as
independent of state and political,
economic
and
social interests...
2.
Workers in the industry are
seen as possessing a high
degree of autonomy or reflector to
represent
what
is going on in society.
3.
Even ownership and control is
not seen as trying to
account for the output of the
media.
4.
It agrees that owners and managers
are constrained in how they
can represent to the
world.
5.
It also sees the market as an
important mechanism determining the
content to the media .
However,
it argues the content and form of the
media is determined not by the actions and
options
of
the owners but by the choice of the consumers. It
believes that the broad
shape and nature of the
press
is ultimately determined by no one
but its readers.
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Theories
of Communication MCM 511
VU
Liberal-pluralists
see the concentration of ownership as
irrelevant; the most significant
factor is the
ability
of the audience to ensure that its
needs and wants are
reflected in the output of the
media.
Some
even see this concentration of
ownership as beneficial to the performance of the
media in
meeting
consumer demand. As they
believe that the concentrated media
organizations tend to
bring
the
resources required fro comprehensive
high quality
reporting.
Liberal-Pluralist
also reject the Marxist approach on
two other grounds. Liberal-
pluralists argue
that
Marxists fail to distinguish between
different kinds of media, especially
between private and
publicly
owned. They point out
public organizations are not
driven by profit motives.
BBC is not
financed
by commercial activities but through the
license fee and is therefore free
from the need to
make
profit and satisfy shareholders.
They are regulated by
statutory bodies which commit them
by
law
and practice to impartiality in their
output.
Secondly,
liberal-pluralists point out
that the media regularly report
minority interests critical
of
capitalism.
Not only are there radical
programmes but also channels
which are committed
to
creating
space it its schedules for
alternative and minority views.
The scholars of political
economy
theory
reject these
criticisms.
They
argue public and private media
may be differently constituted
but they are both subject to
the
pressures
of the market e.g Compete
with the market, improve the
ratings of their programmes
in
order
to justify their fee.
Public
institutions such as BBC are
dominated by those who
represent the establishment. Those
who
control
the BBC are drawn from the
ranks of the good and the great. The
elite has run the BBC
in
the
interests of the capitalist class.
They are not representative of the
British people but the class
that
runs
the country.
Power
of Advertising
Many
of the decision media owners and managers
make about the commercial
viability of their
operations
are influenced by the growing dependency
of the media on advertising .For
instrumentalists
advertisers intervene directly into the
operation of the mass media to ensure
their
interests
are preserved or
promoted.
Herman
and Chomsky in 1988 in their propaganda
model highlight how advertisers
discriminate
against
certain political messages and
view points appearing in the media
.Whereas the
structuralists,
like Golding and Murdock in
1991 criticized the propaganda model
for concentrating
on
`strategic intervention' by advertisers and owners
while overlooking the contradiction
within the
system.
According
to them both advertisers and owners operate within
structures contain as well
as
facilitate,
imposing limits as well as
offering opportunities. They argue
that analyzing these limits
is
the
key task for a critical
political economy.
Constraints
and choices are internalized
and enforced by the sutures of power
within which the
media
operate.
Other
scholars point out that
since media depend on two sources
for their revenue; sales
and
advertising.
So media with small sales
can only survive if their
audiences are seen as
possessing
sufficient
purchasing power to attract advertisers. As scholar
Curran in 1978 pointed out
that
advertisers
are not interested in reaching
all the people as some
people have more disposable
income
or greater power over corporate spending and
are consequently more sought after
by
advertisers.
E.g. the best-selling quality
newspapers continue to survive in spite
of relatively small
circulations
because their readers are
mainly drawn from wealthier
sectors of society.
Similarly
scholars say that
advertising also accounts
for the bias of media products to certain
kinds
of
audiences. E.g. women's
magazines focus their attention on the
lives and loves of
women
100
Theories
of Communication MCM 511
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between
the ages of 16 and 34 because their
spending power makes them the
most attractive to
advertisers.
Thus it is argued there is a bias in the mass media
towards more affluent class.
Similarly
it is argued that the relationship between
supply and demand for media products
are more
problematic
as it is the demand from advertisers for
particular kinds of audiences
that is the major
determinant
of supply
The
preference of consumers is thus secondary
to the need for media to
satisfy their major source
of
revenue,
advertisers. Scholar Curran presents ways in
which advertising finance
has shaped the
nature
and content of the press.
Not
only have newspapers adjusted their
content to attract the kind of readers
that advertisers want,
but
have also introduced specialized
features... in order to segregate
readers into the groups
that
advertisers
want to reach and to direct
their attention to particular
parts of a paper where they
can
be
efficiently picked out by
advertisers.
A
variant of the political
economic approach
While
the approach centers on media activity as an economic
process leading to the commodity
(the
media
product or content), there is a variant
of the political economic approach which
suggests
that
media really produce audiences, in the
sense that they deliver
audience attention to advertisers
and
shape the behavior of media publics in
certain distinctive ways.
New
media and old
owners
The
development of new media technology
such as the Internet is seen
as shaking off the
shackles
of
the problem of ownership. The net is one
example of how new
technology combines old
fashioned
, face-to-face communication with mass
communication, and as a result
allows
individuals
more control over what they
say, what they are told
and whom they talk
to. Scholars like
Howard
Rheingold advocates that
Internet is a means by which the
domination of information
flow
by
large corporations and state
can be repelled, and the management of
public opinion can be
resisted.
The internet provides the
potential of the unlimited and unrestricted
flow of information.
Every
one can have access to the
internet and its riches of
information and the opportunity to use
the
technology
to criticize freely government
policy and the actions of the state and
powerful interests
in
society. The Internet and
other technologies are seen
as spelling the end of the large
monopolistic
media
corporations by widening choice and
empowering individuals. Similarly
digital television is
seen
as expanding the number of media outlets
from which people can
information and enjoy
entertainment.
Expansion is tied to the enhancement of
the capabilities of viewers to
select
programmes
they want to watch at the time
they want to watch them. Interactive
services, as one
media
manager argues, are taking
people where they want to
be, when they want to go
there and
with
people they want to be
with.
Counter
arguments
Political
economists are skeptical of
such promises and the rosy picture of the
digital future. They
reject
the optimistic beliefs that
new media technologies will
bring about more choice and the
empowerment
of media consumer. They claim that it is
the affluent that have greatest
access to the
new
technology .A position aggravated by the
process of de-regulation and
privatization of the
media
industries, which represents a
shift in the provision and distribution
of cultural goods
from
being
public services to private
commodities. There has been
a decline in the public sector of
mass
media
and in direct public control
of telecommunication, under the banner of
`deregulation',
`privatization'
or `liberalization'.
Similarly
to pay for new television
services will make it more
difficult for those on low
incomes to
afford
the services and will, increasingly,
reduce the diet of material
available to them. One scholar
notes
that internet usage shows
not only a bias to the
wealthy but also to men
and America. Like
only
12% of internet usage is the
global South where two
thirds of the world's population
live.
Political
economists warn about the
new technologies becoming
increasingly absorbed by the
existing
media corporation and incorporated into
their commercial
world.
101
Theories
of Communication MCM 511
VU
Scholars
argue the convergence of the media, computer telecommunications
markets and the de-
regulation
and privatization of the media industries
around the world are
encouraging the further
concentration
of ownership. There has been
a growing global `information
economy' involving an
increasing
convergence between telecommunication and
broadcasting.
Mergers
and acquisitions are the name of the
game as the larger media giants seek to
control the
transmission
of three basic communication products-
voice, data and video. The
merger between
Time
Warner and America Online in
200 indicates that in a market-driven
system control of new
technology
will be dominated by large media
conglomerates, only now they
will be large than
before.
The euphoria of those who
celebrated the internet and the digital
revolution is seen as
misplaced
as large corporation develop
new means to exert their
control. The future of new
media
is,
according to political economists, `a
subject to be determined by politics not
technology'.
(Herman
and McChesney, 1997)
Relevance
of political economic theory in
today's time
The
relevance of political economic
theory has been greatly
increased by several prominent
trends
in
media business and technology .First
there has been a growth in media
concentration worldwide,
with
more and more power of ownership being
concentrated in fewer hands and with
tendencies for
mergers
between electronic hardware and software
industries.
Critical
political- economy theory in
brief
·
Economic
control and logic is
determinant
·
Media
structure tends towards
concentration
·
Global
integration of media develops
·
Contents and
audiences are
commodified
·
Diversity
decreased opposition and
alternative voices are
marginalized
·
Public
interest in communication is subordinated to
private interests
·
Strength
of the approach - The main strength of the approach
lies in its capacity for
making
empirically
testable propositions about market
determinations although the latter
are so
numerous
and complex that empirical
demonstration is not
easy.
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