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RENEWING PAKISTAN: PART II 1971-2005 (1988-2005)

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Lesson 7
RENEWING PAKISTAN: PART II 1971-2005 (1988-2005)
Note: While the verbal content and the power-point presentation of this lecture focus on the period 1988-
2005, and deal with principal themes and events concerning the elected governments, it is also necessary for
students to learn about the nature, functioning, problems and challenges of caretaker governments in the
same period because 3 governments were specifically Caretaker Governments whose origins, duration and
duties are quite different from the normal elected governments.
This is why 3 handouts have been prepared to help students to reflect upon both the nature of Caretaker
Governments and the various aspects of accountability which have been a major feature of expectations
regarding Caretaker Governments.
These 3 handouts are also relevant as background material for lecture # 6 i.e. Renewing Pakistan: Part I,
1971-2005 (1971-1988) and for lecture # 10 i.e. "The political system of Pakistan" These 3 handouts
represent 3 essays written by the lecturer during his tenure as Minister of Petroleum & Natural Resources in
the Caretaker Government of November 1996-February 1997. These essays were published in leading
newspapers at that time and have also appeared as chapters in the book titled: "Storms and Rainbows" by
Javed Jabbar published by Summit Media and Royal Book Company, BG-5, Rex Centre, Zebunnissa Street,
Karachi 74400, Tel: 5684244, 5653418, e-mail: royalbook@hotmail.com.
The titles of the 3 chapters being provided as handouts are:
1.
Challenges faced by Caretaker Governments
2.
Accountability: History and Truth
3.
Accountability by a Caretaker Government
Challenges faced by Caretaker Governments
A caretaker government in Pakistan begins with enormous disadvantages compared to an elected
government. There is immediately the issue of positive acceptance. Only in one out of the six caretaker
cabinets established in our country between 1988 and 1996 has a caretaker government been installed in
office with the consent of the principal political parties and the establishment. This was in the case of the
Moeen Qureshi cabinet of August-October 1993. In every other instance, the induction into office of a
caretaker government has occupied the place vacated by a government of the aggrieved political party or an
ousted coalition.
Of all the institutional forces that are active in the public process of the country, and these include the
political parties, the bureaucracy, the business community, the feudal and the agriculturist classes as also the
Armed Forces, that remain an important element of the public process, the caretaker cabinet is the least
prepared, by prior arrangement, or by sheer practice, to function as a team. Every other one of the above
forces in public life has been operating as a specialized unit for years, if not decades past.
Even in Pakistan where major political parties do not maintain shadow cabinets whereby senior opposition
leaders have the responsibility to specialize in the important ministries and sectors of government as a way of
monitoring what the government does and of preparing to take office after the next election, political parties
which form normal governments have the advantage of possessing a prior sense of team work and
coordination amongst the senior leaders who eventually occupy ministerial office.
In contrast, a caretaker cabinet is assembled virtually overnight, within hours or days of the dissolution of the
National Assembly and the dismissal of the previous government. Thus, suddenly, a set of 12 or 15 or 18
people have to begin functioning as a single team. Despite the fact that several team members, or all of them,
may know each other previously, they have never before worked together as a policy-making unit. While all
the members of a caretaker team may have an identity of views on the necessity for the dismissal of the
previous government, it is inevitable that they will have individual variances on substantive issues. In the
absence of a shared political ideology or manifesto, the caretaker cabinet has to very rapidly evolve its own
unified political approach to complex issues or adopt broad principles enunciated by the President who has
appointed the caretaker cabinet and by the Prime Minister who leads the team.
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The current administration came into office at a time when the people had accumulated an extraordinarily
intense level of frustration with the lack of punitive accountability during the prior part of our history. In-
built checks and balances of our system, such as they are, had proved to be almost entirely ineffective in the
face of a veritable assault upon the norms of equity and democracy between 1993 and 1996. This assault was
made all the more devastating because it was being committed by an elected government. When even the
superior judiciary, despite delivering a historic judgement in the Judges' case which vigorously asserted the
principles of judicial independence, was unable to ensure prompt and effective enforcement o its judgements,
the level of public despair had built up by October 1996 to a level perhaps unrivalled in our democratic
history. Simultaneous to this total loss of faith in the political leadership there was a continuous decline in the
quality of governance, in a deepening economic crisis, and in polarisation and drift.
If, for a moment, we assume that the President acted on November 5 without first drawing up a long-term
strategy which would ensure a prevention of the very same sickness which we have just been relieved of, the
President simply had no choice but to dissolve an Assembly that had become the simple captive of a coalition
majority. This was comprised of numbers mainly held together by the force of charisma, with all its blinding
and distorting consequences as well as the carrots of corruption offered to the occasional floor-crosser, or
used more widely to keep the band in check.
The caretaker government is inducted into office almost always because the previous government has, in the
judgment of the President, violated its mandate. To take note of the consequences of these violations and to
identify cases as well as individuals responsible for these breaches of trust becomes an unpleasant but
unavoidable obligation for a caretaker government. In doing so the caretaker government immediately comes
face to face with the requirement that it remain neutral and impartial in order to be able to conduct free and
fair elections. However, the two duties need not be contradictory to each other. While pinpointing specific
deviations and malpractices, the interim government can make sure that there is an even-handed and
equitable approach to preparing for the electoral process. In this respect the fact that it is the Election
commission which has the supervisory authority to conduct the polls is a crucial determinant in ensuring
impartiality.
Notwithstanding the daily barrage of accusations by the ousted political party, the present caretaker
government has tried to ensure at every step that it remains truly impartial and neutral with regard to the
preparation for, and the conduct of, elections. Two realities alone substantiate this contention. One: The
balance and fairness with which government-controlled radio and TV are providing daily coverage to the
activities of the ousted political party's leadership and the invitation to the same ousted party leaders and to
independent critics to participate in live debates on electronic media. Two: the very large number of
candidates from the ousted party who are freely participating in the electoral process. If the caretaker
government was truly biased against the ousted party, then neither of the above two realities would be
evident, as they are at present.
In an entity as complex and volatile as a nation, the task of looking after only "day-to-day" affairs is itself
replete with long-term implications. Except for minor, procedural aspects of administration, most dimensions
of government require decisions to be made that have short-term as well as medium-term and long-term
consequences. The vital interests of 130 million people cannot be put into a state of suspension for 100 days
because each of those days can represent, in real terms, a whole year either gained or lost, depending on
whether an important decision is taken when it should be taken, or postponed because it has long-term
implications.
Perhaps the most difficult challenge that a caretaker government faces is to transcend the limitations of time.
From its very inception, a caretaker government and the entire population knows its exact tenure in office.
Faced with the task of fulfilling high expectations about conducting effective accountability as well as
formulating policies that elected governments tend to avoid because of either their unpleasantness or
potential unpopularity a caretaker government has to mobilise active and meaningful support from a variety
of groups and organisations, each of which is conscious of the brief nature of the caretaker tenure.
When recommending the promulgation of an Ordinance to meet an immediate legal requirement and give the
"kiss of life" to a good new law, there is the perennial question mark that hovers over such legislation with a
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threatening "kiss of death" after four months, if the new National Assembly fails to enact the Ordinance into
a permanent law.
This being the objective reality, these are some of the disadvantages with which a caretaker government
begins and conducts its work, and in spite of them, is judged for its performance as the government of a
country.
Accountability: History and Truth
The principal facet of accountability on a world-wide basis is that there is not a single instance in over 180
nation-states where accountability has been enforced through civil, legal and peaceful means in any thing less
than years and months of preparation for trial in the courts. Except in situations where military rule prevails
and short, summary trials are possible or where outright wars and violence mark conditions in which the
"guilty" are instantly executed, there is not one example of any political leader anywhere in the world being
brought to trial and given a sentence of conviction within a few months.
Whether it is well-established and credible systems of justice as in the industrialized democracies of Europe
and North America or whether it is in the world's largest democracy such as in India, the existence of a
civilian political system makes it mandatory and unavoidable that the preparation of cases to hold politicians
accountable is done in a careful and systematic manner, which requires years of previous time.
Seen against this harsh reality, the wide-spread disappointment expressed by the people, politicians and the
Press in Pakistan at the alleged failure of the Caretaker Government to bring suspected crooks to book
becomes an unrealistic and unreasonable expectation. Moreover, when the High Courts of our country are
willing to give the benefit of relief to the accused and grant them bail either before arrest, or after arrest, then
the preparation of effective cases against the accused becomes slower and more difficult than normally so. In
one case, a High Court restrained the authorities from arresting a well-known individual who wanted to
participate in the elections by passing the order that he should "not be arrested in any case."
There are six theoretical requirements of accountability. First, it should be fair and even-handed in scope, not
partisan or party-based. Second, accountability should be multi-level, from the top to the bottom. Third, it
should be multi-sectoral: inclusive of politics, industry, agriculture, government service and all other sectors
of activity. Fourth, accountability should be just and equitable; it must allow for the accused to be able to
defend him and to have recourse to appeal, at least more than once. Fifth, accountability should bring
punitive action that is substantial enough to serve as a deterrent and discourage the recurrence of
malpractices. Sixth, accountability must include a review of sophisticated, complex white-collar crime, and in
doing this not be confined to the obvious and simplistic offences. Incidentally, the evil benefits of this type
of crime call for the formulation of a more appropriate term such as "white-collar and black-pocket crime"
because it is in "black pockets" that the loot eventually ends up.
Accountability is a long word with a short, sharp and irreducible meaning. Being held to account for one's
actions during life itself rather than in the hereafter requires facing up to the most basic truth of all. The
reality of one's own self. In turn this has large and deep implications. If we begin to practice accountability
ourselves instead of only preaching it, then the word has profound and disturbing consequences. Virtually
every aspect of our individual life comes under its purview. From our private self to our family's interests,
from our role in the neighbourhood and the community in which we live to our conduct in the professional
sector to which we belong and all the way through to the fulfilment o our responsibility as citizens,
accountability can become a vast, all-encompassing framework within which we must judge our own actions.
Fortunately for all of us at the present time, the word "accountability" has a far more specific, relatively
narrow and focused meaning. In 1996-97 in Pakistan, accountability has come to mean holding to account
the top political leaders of our country and their cronies for their misuse of public offices during the past
several years.
Though restricted in its scope, this particular interpretation of accountability has been growing steadily over
the past 50 years of our history. It accelerated onwards of the 1960s, gathered full steam during the 1980s
and has come to a boil t this time.
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There was a demand to conduct accountability in pre-1971 Pakistan as well. But it was after we lost half of
our country and saw the horror of the complete lack of accountability for our great tragedy that the nation
became even more cynical about this process. Without assigning guilt to a particular individual, we cannot
ignore the fact that all the principal characters involved in the situation leading to the break-up of Pakistan
actually got "clean away" from the scene of the crime.
The worse that General Yahya Khan suffered was to remain under house arrest till his demise. Mr. Zulfiqar
Ali Bhutto became the President and Chief Martial Law Administrator and then Prime Minister. His
assassination in 1979 had nothing to do with his role in the 1971 tragedy. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman went from
captivity in Pakistan to become President of Bangladesh. His assassination in 1975 had to do with the post-
1971 situation in his country rather than with his role in events lading up to 1971. Similarly, all other players
suffered no ignominy for their role in the worst part of our history. The report of the Hamood-ur-Rahman
Commission which investigated the disintegration of our country remains secret 25 years after it was
compiled.
Our civil service was held to account for its own bureaucratic sins both by General Yahya Khan and Zulfiqar
Ali Bhutto but the sweeping and some times subjective nature of the outright dismissals tainted the processes.
Distortions in our relationship with accountability have an even more historic dimension. During the lifetime
of the Quaid-i-Azam himself, within weeks and months of the creation of Pakistan, reports began to emerge
about corruption at high levels in government. One of the major figures who despaired at this early neglect
of accountability was Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan. There came the assassination of our first Prime Minister
Quaid-i-Millat Liaquat Ali Khan. A man who was so financially incorruptible as to leave only a paltry sum in
his bank account deserved to have his killers held to account for their heinous crime.
Over the past forty-years, speculative interpretations name prominent individuals as suspects in the Liaquat
assassination. The official inquiry was not received as a credible analysis. In addition to the original stain of
financial corruption on the white and spotlessly clean garment of accountability were now added the red
stains of blood; people could actually get away with murder. When the black gowns of the superior judiciary
joined the blood-stained garb of accountability, a decisive turning appoint was passed. The legitimisation of
the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly by Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad and his dismissal of
Prime Minister Khawaja Nazimuddin re-established a new ground norm that went beyond the justified and
unavoidable dismissal of Dr. Khan Sahib's NWFP government in August 1948, when the provincial regime
declined to accept even the symbolic elements of the new state of Pakistan.  The disruption of the
constitutional process, slow and weak as it was in 1953, marked collaboration between the forces of the
establishment and the superior judiciary. It then took over four decades to begin to correct this warp when
the activism and independence of the Supreme Court in 1996-97 became a potent factor.
With the imposition of martial law for the first time in 1958, accountability became subject to dictatorial
whim and to one individual's personal ambition. The re-impositions of martial law in 1969 and in 1977
aggravated the distortions that are inevitable when an arbitrary and authoritarian system determines, by sheer
individual discretion alone, the parameters of accountability. The judicial verdict that sent Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto
to the gallows in April 1979 represented a callous collaboration between the personal elements of martial law
used only for selfish purposes and the dignity and credibility of the superior judiciary that was usurped for the
sake of expediency.
In this historic setting, from the very out-set, the absence of a constitution subverted accountability, both as a
principle and as a process. The civilian political sector also became part of the systematic evasion of
accountability.
The 1956 Constitution was not permitted to live long enough to create a viable methodology. The 1962
Constitution did not adequately recognise the weightage that was owed to East Pakistan. Though the Legal
Framework Order of General Yahya Khan was well-intentioned it was ultimately, badly executed. Thus, the
1973 Constitution, though misleading as an ideal parliamentary format, simply came too late to do much
good. This is why its principal sponsor very quickly undermined its spirit by moving seven amendments to it,
these changes being hostile to the independence of the judiciary. Between 1985 and 1996, though there have
been attempts to enforce accountability by the political sector a la Mr. Muhammad Khan Junejo's dismissal of
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three Ministers on alleged or real grounds of corrupt practices, these attempts have been limited and largely
inconclusive.
Perhaps there has never been a greater distance between the political sector and the truth of accountability
than the gap that prevailed between these two parameters from 1993 to 1996. These three years witnessed an
unprecedented deviation in the use of executive power by the holders of public office from the norms of
equity and transparency.
Accountability by a Caretaker Government
Worldwide, the experience of accountability is a mixed one. Despite the existence of institutional checks and
balances in the industrialised democracies, individuals are able to circumvent these restraints. Initially,
President Richard Nixon and Vice-President Agnew and their colleagues in the US Presidency were able to
indulge in patently illegal actions for a considerable period of time before two investigative journalists forced
the institutional system to, in turn, enforce accountability upon them.
Yet, 20 years later, we have the spectacle of President Clinton being re-elected to a second term even while
the investigation into the Whitewater case continued in the third year. There is also the case of Speaker Newt
Gingrich being re-elected to head the House of Representatives in January 1997 despite a self-acknowledged
breach of ethics and despite having been strongly censured by the House Ethics Committee.
There are a number of other individuals associated with corrupt practices in their local constituencies or in
national scams, such as the housing and loans association project in the USA who have successfully evaded
accountability. In India, the Bofors Guns Scandal involving Rajiv Gandhi which erupted in 1986 continues to
be investigated 11 years later. Earlier, Sanjay Gandhi was also associated with the Maruti car project in which
there were accusations of the government unduly favouring him. With a number of charges against him, the
former Indian Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao was re-elected to parliament and then continued to go in
and out of court in connection with cases filed against him.
In South Korea, two former heads of state were prosecuted for corruption and for ordering firing on
civilians. They were then sentenced to stiff punishment, but only after years of investigative preparation of
their cases. In Japan, a number of Prime Ministers had to resign their offices due to charges of financial
malpractice. There, too, it took some years before a couple of convictions could be obtained. Italy presents
the finest example in contemporary times of comprehensive accountability enforced in the political sector.
The integrity and determination of a single magistrate and the willingness of one small-time politician to
confess to his misdeeds became a giant snowball that flattened dozens of leading politicians, including former
Prime Ministers.
Our own historic experience of accountability and the international context of this process were in vivid
contrast to the extraordinarily high expectation of the people of Pakistan when President Farooq Leghari
dissolved the National Assembly on November 5 last year.  The Caretaker Government's own early
enthusiastic references to the need for accountability acted like sparks to a dense, dry forest that was swiftly
inflamed, whipped up by a remarkable level of sheer hype in the Press, which conveniently omitted to study
the worldwide experience of accountability.  While references were made to the limitations of the
investigative system available to the caretaker government to identify the intricacies by which contemporary
corruption is committed in high places, the overall approach to this issue remained, and remains, quite
unreasonable.
The additional restriction was that the Caretaker Government had to remain fair and impartial in assisting the
Election Commission in the conduct of elections on February 3. The prosecution of individuals belonging to
particular political parties was instantly seen as victimisation and an erosion of the neutrality of the Caretaker
Government.
The Caretaker Government took nine sets of actions that directly facilitate accountability. Perhaps the most
important is the promulgation of the Ehtesaab (Accountability) Ordinance. This represents an entirely new
framework for the subject. For the first time, an individual citizen has been given the legal right to bring an
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offence and the individual suspected for the offence to the attention of an authority responsible for
accountability.
Previously, it was only the government or the judiciary that had such a right. In conceptual terms, this is a
revolutionary change. At the same time, the process has been made independent of the Executive the
moment it is referred to the Chief Ehtesaab Commissioner. Thus, there is a new enhanced judicial power as
a determinant of accountability.
The second set of actions by the federal and provincial governments was to initiate investigations into misuse
of power and malpractice by both political leaders and officers in recent years. Inevitably, the initial
concentration of this work was on the immediately preceding government whose tenure of office was from
1993 to 1996.
This period alone offered the scope of a massive scale for inquiry: hundreds of deviations from laws and rules
were identified. In the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Resources alone, 50 cases referred o the Ministry
of Interior for further investigation and consideration for onward reference to the Chief Ehtesaab
Commissioner.  The Auditor General of Pakistan was invited to conduct special audits of certain
departments. Based on the findings o these special audits and other investigations, a total of 239 cases (at the
rate of over two cases per day in our tenure!) have been referred to the commissioner by the Caretaker
Government.
Thirdly, transfer of officers and staff was undertaken on a comprehensive basis to ensure effective
investigation. Contrary to the view often put out by critics of the caretaker government that, conduct of
elections being its primary task, no a single officer should be transferred, we now have a situation where the
Supreme Court of Pakistan has upheld corruption as a justifiable ground for the dissolution of the National
Assembly and the dismissal of the government.
Unless officers and staff associated with malpractices are removed, there can be no meaningful investigation
of corruption. As it is, even after their transfers, the going is slow because there are still remnants of the
appointees from the previous government wh9o either have covert loyalties to the ousted lot or who are
themselves so corrupt that they will not easily facilitate investigation by a new set-up.
There was an additional problem of not being able to take instant punitive action against the officers being
transferred out of departments because of the protection that they enjoy under the law and under their
service rules. At the worst, they can be appo8nted `Officers on Special Duty' where they continue to enjoy
the same pay and benefits. After moving dozens, if not hundreds of officers, finding new and more reliable
and competent officers to help conduct accountability was in itself a significant task undertaken by the
caretaker government.
Fourth: For the first time, as many as 30 senior officers as well as a handful of politicians were arrested on
suspicion of their involvement in corrupt practices.
Fifth: A large number of dubious allotments of public land and special favours to selected private parties were
either cancelled outright or given due legal notice of suspension to firm up accountability.
Sixth: A number of amendments were introduced over a period of time to election-related laws. The main
objective was to make it mandatory for all individuals seeking elective offices to reveal the wealth and income
that they personally possess as well as the wealth in the name of their spouses and immediate family
members.
Information about the amounts that aspirants owe to utility organizations and to government guest houses,
hostels etc. was made public, breaking from convention, long lists of companies and individuals who have
defaulted on their back loans were also published in the press. An amount of over Rs 3.67 billion, a sum
badly needed by the national exchequer, was obtained through such measures.
Seventh: On the electronic media, unprecedented live telecasts were arranged of face-to-face encounters and
debates between representatives of political parties and individuals with completely conflicting viewpoints on
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major issues. The subject of accountability was a recurring topic in these live telecasts. This enabled a new
level of mass participation in the frank dialogue and discussion on how accountability should be conducted in
Pakistan. Without censorship or interruption, participants in these live debates on TV and radio freely made
extremely critical comments on the caretaker government, reflecting the tolerance and commitment to
freedom of the interim government, an essential pre-requisite for the fair conduct of accountability.
Eighth: The comprehensive reforms made by the cabinet in the use of Executive power through the abolition
of discretionary authority, whether for the allocation of plots of land or tanker loads of oil products, marked a
significant step forward in enforcing accountable and responsible behaviour by public officials.
Ninth: the promulgation of the Freedom of Information Ordinance has given citizens a radical new power to
gain access to a wide range of documentation and data which had previously been kept far away from public
scrutiny. By this one act alone, the whole process of accountability has taken a giant leap forward and made it
possible for the mysteries of bureaucracy and policy-making to be laid open to review by citizens.
In conducting accountability in the 1990s, special attention has to be given to the intricacy of white-collar-
black-pocket crime. This is a dense, multi-layered phenomenon which is neither simple nor straight forward
like conventional crime. Unusual patience and persistence are required to un-cover the diversions that are
deliberately planted to make detection slow and difficult.
This kind of crime is also commissioned at crucial stages by verbal, rather than written instructions. Through
just a wink and a nod a nefarious deal worth millions of dollars can be sealed for the benefit of one or more
persons, without leaving a trace. A single telephone call exchanged between two individuals can ensure that a
transaction is shaped in a certain way and when the government of the day is itself in-charge of the
telecommunications sector, it can also ensure that certain types of phone calls are not "tapped" or recorded
to avoid leaving any evidence.
When it involves written records, white-collar-black-pocket crime is a linguistic and contextual enigma which
has to be very carefully unravelled. For instance, if the individual drafting the language and the terms of a
commercial tender document wants to slant the conditions in favour of a particular potential bidder, then the
minute details of specifications can be subtly changed so that only one or two potential bidders out of a
dozen are able to eventually pre-qualify and win the contract. To track this deviousness requires an expertise
in specialised investigation that is in short supply.
In this type of crime there is a collaborative dimension whereby co-conspirators are not motivated to confess
their crimes because there is so much more at stake than merely one individual's liberty; there is a whole gang
of crooks sharing the spoils. Three options mark the future of the process of accountability in Pakistan after
the caretaker government hands over power to the elected government. One option is that the approach
taken by the caretakers leads to an irreversible movement which may continue indefinitely into the future.
Elements such as the Chief Ehtesaab Commissioner, citizens at large, the independent Pres and electronic
media will together bring to bear their combined pressure to keep this process alive and secure feasible
results, whether it takes six months or six years to do so.
Another option is that a few weeks after the departure of the caretakers, the Ehtessab Ordinance is allowed
to lapse and the whole process derails and comes to a grinding halt. The crooks are released, and the old
merry-go-round resumes again.
Finally, there is the option that if the accountability process, set into motion by the caretakers, comes to
nought, then a new, militant and probably violent mass upsurge takes place, when the accumulated anger and
frustration of the people assumes an uncontrollable fury.
One hopes that this last option never becomes necessary and that with wisdom and courage our people
pursue and continue to refine the process of accountability which has been introduced by the Caretaker
Government of November 1996-February, 1997.
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Table of Contents:
  1. THE UNIQUE NATURE OF THE PAKISTANI NATION-STATE
  2. “PAKISTAN: THE FIRST 11 YEARS 1947-1958” PART 1
  3. “PAKISTAN: THE FIRST 11 YEARS 1947-1958”PART-2
  4. ROOTS OF CHAOS: TINY ACTS OR GIANT MIS-STEPS?
  5. “FROM NEW HOPES TO SHATTERED DREAMS: 1958-1971”
  6. “RENEWING PAKISTAN: 1971-2005” PART-I: 1971-1988
  7. RENEWING PAKISTAN: PART II 1971-2005 (1988-2005)
  8. THE CONSTITUTION OF PAKISTAN, PARTS I & II
  9. THE CONSTITUTION OF PAKISTAN, PARTS I & II:Changing the Constitution
  10. THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF PAKISTAN:Senate Polls: Secrecy Breeds Distortion
  11. THE ELECTION COMMISSION OF PAKISTAN:A new role for the Election Commission
  12. “POLITICAL GROUPINGS AND ALLIANCES: ISSUES AND PERSPECTIVES”
  13. THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS AND INTEREST GROUPS
  14. “THE POPULATION, EDUCATION AND ECONOMIC DIMENSIONS OF PAKISTAN”
  15. THE NATIONAL ENVIRONMENT POLICY 2005:Environment and Housing
  16. NATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY 2005:The National Policy, Sectoral Guidelines
  17. THE CHILDREN OF PAKISTAN:Law Reforms, National Plan of Action
  18. “THE HEALTH SECTOR OF PAKISTAN”
  19. NGOS AND DEVELOPMENT
  20. “THE INFORMATION SECTOR OF PAKISTAN”
  21. MEDIA AS ELEMENTS OF NATIONAL POWER:Directions of National Security
  22. ONE GLOBE: MANY WORLDS
  23. “THE UNITED NATIONS” PART-1
  24. “THE UNITED NATIONS” PART-2
  25. “MILLENNIUM DEVELOPMENT GOALS (MDGS)”:Excerpt
  26. “THE GLOBALIZATION: THREATS AND RESPONSES – PART-1”:The Services of Nature
  27. THE GLOBALIZATION: THREATS AND RESPONSES – PART-2”
  28. “WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION (WTO)”
  29. “THE EUROPEAN UNION”:The social dimension, Employment Policy
  30. “REGIONAL PACTS”:North America’s Second Decade, Mind the gap
  31. “OIC: ORGANIZATION OF THE ISLAMIC CONFERENCE”
  32. “FROM SOUTH ASIA TO SAARC”:Update
  33. “THE PAKISTAN-INDIA RELATIONSHIP”
  34. “DIMENSIONS OF TERRORISM”
  35. FROM VIOLENT CONFLICT TO PEACEFUL CO-EXISTENCE
  36. “OIL AND BEYOND”
  37. “PAKISTAN’S FOREIGN POLICY”
  38. “EMERGING TRENDS IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS”
  39. “GLOBALIZATION OF MEDIA”
  40. “GLOBALIZATION AND INDIGENIZATION OF MEDIA”
  41. “BALANCING PUBLIC INTERESTS AND COMMERCIAL INTERESTS”
  42. “CITIZENS’ MEDIA AND CITIZENS’ MEDIA DIALOGUE”
  43. “CITIZENS’ MEDIA RIGHTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES”Exclusive Membership
  44. “CITIZENS’ PARTICIPATION IN PUBLIC SERVICE BROADCASTING”:Forming a Group
  45. “MEDIA IN THE 21ST CENTURY”