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FROM VIOLENT CONFLICT TO PEACEFUL CO-EXISTENCE

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Lesson 35
FROM VIOLENT CONFLICT TO PEACEFUL CO-EXISTENCE
Text of the handout for students
Note: As a review of the verbal and visual (i.e. ppts) of this lecture will show to the students, the content
covers the subject in its different constituent stages, proceeding from the eruption and cessation of violence
between communities and countries to the challenge of constructing and maintaining stable and peaceful
relations between those who have previously been involved in mutually or directly destructive actions.
The text of the following material on reconciliation is excerpted from the handbook titled: "Reconciliation
After Violent Conflict", published by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance
(IDEA) based in Stockholm, Sweden in 2003.
The address, contact details and website of IDEA are: International IDEA, Stromsborg, SE-103 34
Stockholm, Sweden. Tel: 46 8 698 3700, Fax: 46 8 20 24 22, email: info@idea.int; website:
http://www.idea.int.
This particular excerpt is taken from Chapter 1 of the handbook, the title of the Chapter is: "Reconciliation:
an Introduction", written by David Bloomfield.
For a more comprehensive portrayal of the subject, students are advised to visit the website of IDEA.
However, the content of the lecture and the handout, along with references to the reading list should give
students an adequate appreciation of the subject of the lecture.
The Process of Reconciliation
Reconciliation means different things to different people. Its significance varies from culture to culture, and
changes with the passage of time. To get a grip on the concept, four basic questions are pertinent:
What?
Who?
How?
When?
2.1
What is Reconciliation?
2.1.1
Ideally
Ideally, reconciliation prevents, once and for all, the use of the past as the seed for renewed conflict. It
consolidates peace, breaks the cycle of violence and strengthens newly established or re-introduced
democratic institutions.
As a backward-looking operation, reconciliation brings about the personal healing of survivors, the reparation
of past injustices, the building or rebuilding of non-violent relationships between individuals and
communities, and the acceptance by the former parties to a conflict of a common vision and understanding
of the past. In its forward-looking dimension, reconciliation means enabling victims and perpetrators to get
on with life and, at the level of society, the establishment of a civilized political dialogue and an adequate
sharing of power.
2.1.2
In Practice
In practice such all-encompassing reconciliation is not easy to realize. The experience of a brutal past makes
the search for peaceful co-existence a delicate and intricate operation. Reconciliation is not an isolated act,
but a constant readiness to leave the tyranny of violence and fear behind. It is not an event but a process, and
as such usually a difficult, long and unpredictable one, involving various steps and stages. Each move
demands changes in attitudes (e.g. tolerance instead of revenge), in conduct (e.g., joint commemoration of all
the dead instead of separate, partisan memorials) and in the institutional environment (e.g., integrating the
war veterans of both sides into one national army instead of keeping ex-combatants in quasi-private militias).
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Above all, the approach must be that every step counts, that every effort has value, and that in this delicate
domain even a small improvement is significant progress.
There is a certain danger in talking about reconciliation in terms of strict sequence. The process is not a
linear one. At each stage a relapse back into more violent means of dealing with conflicts is always a real
possibility. And the stages do not always follow logically after each other in any set order. Nonetheless, they
remain essential ingredients for lasting reconciliation.
Three stages
Stage1. Replacing Fear by Non-Violent Co-existence
When the shooting stops, the first step away from hatred, hostility and bitterness is the achievement of non-
violent co-existence between the antagonist individuals and groups. This means at a minimal looking for
alternatives to revenge. A South African observer, Charles Villa-Viceencio, writes: "At the lowest level co-
existence implies no more than a willingness not to kill one another ­­ a case of walking by on the other side
of the street". For some the basis for this step will be war-weariness or the simple but realistic conclusion
that killing does not bring the dead back to life, or it may be based on the belief that, as Martin Luther King
said, those who do not learn to live together as brothers are all going to perish together as fools. An
encouraging thought here is that, even in the midst of the cruelest conflicts, small islands of tolerance and
civility always continue to exist ­ men and women who, through acts of extreme courage, save the lives of
people "from the other side".
The move towards such co-existence requires first of all that victims and perpetrators be freed from the
paralysing isolation and all-consuming self-pity in which they often live. This involves the building or renewal
of communication inside the communities of victims and offenders and between them.  Political and
community leaders, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and religious institutions have a serious
responsibility here. They can initiate or sustain programmes for such liberating communications. Or, as
symbolic representatives of victims and offenders, they can initiate dialogue if those directly involved are not
yet ready to talk.
A second condition is a safe environment. Without a minimum of physical security there is no prospect of
any progress along the path to reconciliation. Local and/or international political decision-makers have a
crucial role to play at this point. Serious effort must be directed towards establishing the rule of law on
equitable and accepted terms.
Conflicts do not disappear with this step in the reconciliation process. Individuals, groups and communities
continue to be adversaries, but they agree to disagree and to use less violent means to accommodate old (and
new) disputes. One possible way is to exchange private vengeance for retribution by an institution (e.g., a
criminal court) which is bound by agreed rules.
Stage2. When Fear No Longer Rules: Building Confidence and Trust
Then, in due course, co-existence evolves towards a relation of trust. This second stage in the process
requires that each party, both the victim and the offender, gains renewed confidence in himself or herself and
in each other.  It also entails believing that humanity is present in every man and woman; an
acknowledgement of the humanity of others is the basis of mutual trust and opens the door for the gradual
arrival of a sustainable culture of non-violence. In the context of Kosovo, Howard Clark writes: "One can
counsel distinguishing between a person and his actions, hating the sin while trying not to hate the sinner; one
can also attempt to understand the human weakness of those who were swept away by the tide. However,
even when one cannot forgive, there are some minimum standards below which one should not sink: social
reconstruction demands respecting the rights of those one detests. This respect is in itself an assertion of
one's own humanity".
Another product of stage 2 is the victim's capacity to distinguish degrees of guilt among the perpetrators ­ to
disaggregate individual and community. This is an important move in destroying atrocity myths, which keep
alive the idea that all the members of a rival group are actual or potential perpetrators. Courts of law can
make a difference here: their mission is precisely to individualize guilt. Traditional justice mechanisms often
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create similar opportunities. In October 2001 the population of Rwanda elected more than 200,000 lay
judges who oversee some 10,000 gacaca tribunals, a society-rooted institution where individuals' guilt in the
1994 genocide will be publicly discussed.
For trust and confidence to truly develop, a post-conflict society has to put in place a minimum of functional
institutions ­ a non-partisan judiciary, an effective civil service and an appropriate legislative structure. It is
this condition that links a reconciliation policy to the many other tasks of transition from violent conflict to
durable peace.
Stage3. Towards Empathy
Empathy comes with the victims' willingness to listen to the reasons for the hatred of those who caused their
pain and with the offenders' understanding of the anger and bitterness of those who suffered. One way to
make this possible is the work of truth commissions, sifting fact from fiction, truth from myth. In addition,
such commissions may lead to an official acknowledgement of the injustice inflicted. Truth-telling is also a
precondition of reconciliation because it creates objective opportunities for people to see the past in terms of
shared suffering and collective responsibility. More important still is the recognition that victims and
offenders share a common identity, as survivors and as human beings, and simply have to get on with each
other. In some cases, the parties in the conflict will seek and discover meeting points where partnership
appears more sensible than sustained conflict. Common interests may be found in roles and identities that
cross former lines of division, such as religion, gender and generation ­ or region, as in the case of the
Burundian province of Ngozi, where Hutu and Tutsi are collaborating closely in an attempt to improve the
prospects of their region, thus transcending the divisions of the past. Economic concerns too may inspire
such bridging activities, as they do in Kosovo, where Albanian trade unionists and a Serbian workers'
movement have established post-war contract.
Empathy does not necessarily lead to a fully harmonious society or to national unity.  Conflicts and
controversy are part and parcel of all human communities.  Moreover, empathy does not exclude the
continuation of feelings of anger. Nor does it require that the victim be ready to forgive and forget.
Pardoning the offenders will, of course, broaden the basis for empathy, but for many victims it may be too
distant, or too sudden, a goal and to pursue it relentlessly may result in any abrupt and early end to the entire
reconciliation process. At this stage it may be unjust to ask victims to forgive if perpetrators refrain from
expressing regret and remorse, as has been the case in Argentina, Chile and Guatemala.
Accompanying the Three Stages: Introduction of the Codes of Democracy and a Just Socio-Economic
Order. Peaceful co-existence, trust and empathy do not develop in a sustainable way if structural injustices in
the political, legal and economic domains remain. A reconciliation process must therefore be supported by a
gradual sharing of power, an honouring of each other's political commitments, the creation of a climate
conducive to human rights and economic justice, and a willingness among the population at large to accept
responsibility for the past and for the future ­ in other words, reconciliation must be backed by the
recognition of the essential codes of democracy.
There are many examples of societies where reconciliation has remained hollow or unfinished precisely
because one side of a previous divide refused, consciously or unintentionally, to acknowledge this need for
democracy. Zimbabwe's recent history is a frightening demonstration of what happens when this is the case.
Zimbabwe was for many years acclaimed as a model of reconciliation between blacks and whites after long-
lasting colonial rule and a bloody military conflict. But thorough going economic justice has not been
achieved. It is widely believed that the end of the policy of reconciliation is partly based on and backed by a
general disappointment among large sections of the black population who see that the economic disparities
between Africans and white settlers have not disappeared.
2.1.3
What Reconciliation Is Not
The use of the term "reconciliation" in dealing with past human injustice is not without its dangers. The
interpretation of the concept is contested, and there are many erroneous notions of what reconciliation is.
(See section 1.2 clarifications of the definitions of reconciliation).
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In a political context, those who want nothing done may cynically plan reconciliation merely as a
smokescreen. Victims, one the other hand, may perceive and condemn it as a code word for simply
forgetting. For those who have to live with their own pain and trauma, the term is indeed extremely sensitive.
As a victim of apartheid told the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), "Reconciliation
is only in the vocabulary of those who can afford it. It is non-existent to a person whose self-respect has
been stripped away and poverty is a festering wound that consumes his soul". A general feeling among black
and coloured South Africans is that the discourse on reconciliation has pressured them towards a premature
closure with the past.
A second source of misunderstandings is that the people of a post-conflict society are sometimes forced to be
impatient, as if co-existence, trust and empathy can come swiftly. Such timing, ­­ expecting too much too
soon, especially if it is proclaimed as official policy ­ is doomed to fail. Reconciliation must be seen as a long-
term process that may take decades or generations. Reconciliation based on ambiguity will not last. The
notion and its interpretation must be publicly discussed. Here lies a task for the authorities, the media,
schools and civil society in its broadcast shape ­ NGOs, advocacy groups, religious institutions and so on.
The need for peaceful co-existence, trust and empathy must be internalized before any effective policy can be
set in motion. Such society-wide debate will have to take into account that genuine reconciliation is much
more than rebuilding relationships between former enemies, or between victims and perpetrators.
2.2
Reconciliation: Who is Involved?
Co-existence, trust and empathy develop between individuals who are connected as victims, beneficiaries and
perpetrators. This is reconciliation at the interpersonal level. That is, for example, what happens when the
victim is willing to shake hands with the torturer who inflicted their pain? Many initiatives in the area of
healing (for example, medication) take this route towards reconciliation. However, all the steps in the process
also entail the reconciling of groups and communities as a whole. Each perspective, the interpersonal and the
collective, has its own chemistry but they are equally important in the process.
Individual victims and perpetrators are at the heart of all reconciliation activities. However, both categories
embrace many more persons and groups than those who are directly involved in acts of political, ethnic or
religious violence. The definition of victim hood as it is used in chapter 4, includes family members,
neighbours and even friends of direct victims, all of whom may have been traumatized by what they have
experienced or witnessed.
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Table of Contents:
  1. THE UNIQUE NATURE OF THE PAKISTANI NATION-STATE
  2. “PAKISTAN: THE FIRST 11 YEARS 1947-1958” PART 1
  3. “PAKISTAN: THE FIRST 11 YEARS 1947-1958”PART-2
  4. ROOTS OF CHAOS: TINY ACTS OR GIANT MIS-STEPS?
  5. “FROM NEW HOPES TO SHATTERED DREAMS: 1958-1971”
  6. “RENEWING PAKISTAN: 1971-2005” PART-I: 1971-1988
  7. RENEWING PAKISTAN: PART II 1971-2005 (1988-2005)
  8. THE CONSTITUTION OF PAKISTAN, PARTS I & II
  9. THE CONSTITUTION OF PAKISTAN, PARTS I & II:Changing the Constitution
  10. THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF PAKISTAN:Senate Polls: Secrecy Breeds Distortion
  11. THE ELECTION COMMISSION OF PAKISTAN:A new role for the Election Commission
  12. “POLITICAL GROUPINGS AND ALLIANCES: ISSUES AND PERSPECTIVES”
  13. THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS AND INTEREST GROUPS
  14. “THE POPULATION, EDUCATION AND ECONOMIC DIMENSIONS OF PAKISTAN”
  15. THE NATIONAL ENVIRONMENT POLICY 2005:Environment and Housing
  16. NATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY 2005:The National Policy, Sectoral Guidelines
  17. THE CHILDREN OF PAKISTAN:Law Reforms, National Plan of Action
  18. “THE HEALTH SECTOR OF PAKISTAN”
  19. NGOS AND DEVELOPMENT
  20. “THE INFORMATION SECTOR OF PAKISTAN”
  21. MEDIA AS ELEMENTS OF NATIONAL POWER:Directions of National Security
  22. ONE GLOBE: MANY WORLDS
  23. “THE UNITED NATIONS” PART-1
  24. “THE UNITED NATIONS” PART-2
  25. “MILLENNIUM DEVELOPMENT GOALS (MDGS)”:Excerpt
  26. “THE GLOBALIZATION: THREATS AND RESPONSES – PART-1”:The Services of Nature
  27. THE GLOBALIZATION: THREATS AND RESPONSES – PART-2”
  28. “WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION (WTO)”
  29. “THE EUROPEAN UNION”:The social dimension, Employment Policy
  30. “REGIONAL PACTS”:North America’s Second Decade, Mind the gap
  31. “OIC: ORGANIZATION OF THE ISLAMIC CONFERENCE”
  32. “FROM SOUTH ASIA TO SAARC”:Update
  33. “THE PAKISTAN-INDIA RELATIONSHIP”
  34. “DIMENSIONS OF TERRORISM”
  35. FROM VIOLENT CONFLICT TO PEACEFUL CO-EXISTENCE
  36. “OIL AND BEYOND”
  37. “PAKISTAN’S FOREIGN POLICY”
  38. “EMERGING TRENDS IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS”
  39. “GLOBALIZATION OF MEDIA”
  40. “GLOBALIZATION AND INDIGENIZATION OF MEDIA”
  41. “BALANCING PUBLIC INTERESTS AND COMMERCIAL INTERESTS”
  42. “CITIZENS’ MEDIA AND CITIZENS’ MEDIA DIALOGUE”
  43. “CITIZENS’ MEDIA RIGHTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES”Exclusive Membership
  44. “CITIZENS’ PARTICIPATION IN PUBLIC SERVICE BROADCASTING”:Forming a Group
  45. “MEDIA IN THE 21ST CENTURY”