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INTRODUCTION AND HISTORY OF HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY

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Lecture 39
INTRODUCTION AND HISTORY OF HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY
INTRODUCTION
Our lifestyle affects our health and sense of well-being. Most health problems in the United States are
related to chronic diseases (such as heart disease, cancer, and stroke), and these diseases are often associ-
ated with behavior or lifestyle choices (such as smoking or overeating) made by individuals . The costs
of medical care have skyrocketed to more than 14% of the gross domestic product (GDP), or more than
$898 billion annually. The potential financial burden associated with health problems has led many to
reevaluate their lifestyles and behavior. There has also been a shift in perception. Health has become
associated with positive well-being rather than simply the absence of disease. These trends, as well as
others, have led Americans to focus much more intensely on behaviors and lifestyles that promote health
and prevent disease.
Psychology, as a science of behavior, has much to contribute to the field of health, and health
psychology has become a fast-growing specialty in clinical psychology. One clue that an emerging field
has indeed been recognized is the appearance of textbooks and handbooks detailing that field. General
textbooks on health psychology are now prevalent (for example, Brannon & Feist, 2000; Rice, 1998;
S. E. Taylor. 1999), as are specialized textbooks on clinical health psychology (Belar & Deardorff, 1995;
Camic & Knight, 1998), women and health (Blechman & Brownell, 1998), and pediatric health
psychology (Goreczny & Hersen, 1999).
In addition, several specialty journals (including Health Psychology and Journal of Behavioral Medi-
c i n e ) report on research in these fields. Finally, a separate division of the American Psychological
Association (Division 38) has been established as a way to publicize and advance the contributions of
health psychologists.
DEFINITION
Although a variety of definitions have been offered over the years, behavioral medicine basically refers to
the integration of the behavioral sciences with the practice and science of medicine. Matarazzo 11980)
uses the term to refer to the broad interdisciplinary field of scientific investigation, education, and practice
that is concerned with health, illness, and related physiological dysfunctions
Health psychology is a specialty area within psychology. It is a more discipline-specific term. referring
to psychology's primary role as a science and profession in behavioral medicine. It includes health-
related practice, research, and reaching by many kinds of psychologists-social, industrial, physiological,
and others. Health psychology has been specifically defined as
The aggregate of the specific educational, scientific, and professional contributions of
the discipline of psychology to the promotion and maintenance of health, the preven-
tion and treatment of illness, and the identification of etiologic and diagnostic
correlates of health, illness and related dysfunction. (Matarazzo, 1980)
This definition was later amended to include psychologists' roles as formulators of health care policy
and contributors to the health care system. A recent definition of health psychology that
incorporates these new roles has been offered by Brannon and Feist (2000), who state that
Health psychology "includes psychology's contributions to the enhancement of
health. the prevention and treatment of illness, the identification of health risk
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factors, the improvement of the health care system, and shaping of public opinion
with regard to health"
HISTORY
As noted by Rice (1998), two major perspectives have influenced our views of health and illness. First is
the biomedical tradition, which developed over time as people sought to gain knowledge through
experience and observation. Early attempts were rather crude (for example, the discovery of the
benefits of acupuncture. Hippocrates' humoral theory of disease and treatment), but later biomedical
scientists focused on anatomy, "germ theory," and ultimately genetics in their attempt to define and
understand illness and disease. This Western tendency to focus solely on biological factors and to adopt a
reductionistic approach is not without its limitations, however (Rice, 1998). For example, critics argue
that we still do not know ,hat causes disease; rather, we have simply discovered another malfunction at a
smaller level of analysis (for example, at the DNA level).
Biomedical research may be so charmed with somatic correlates (such as abnormal physical processes
and biochemical imbalances) that psychosocial variables are often ignored. Finally this tradition
reinforces the mind-body dualism perspective, one that is both outdated and limed in its utility. This
is not to say that the biomedical tradition has been unimportant or irrelevant to medicine, science,
and psychology. Rather, a strict biomedical viewpoint is at times too narrow because it cannot
adequately account for widely encountered forms of illness and disease.
A second major influence on our views of health and illness is the psychosocial perspective .Rice, 1998).
For centuries, medical literature has recognized that psychological and social processes may either
cause or influence illness and disease. By the 1940s, this broad generalization had coalesced into the
field of psychosomatic medicine.
Psychosomatic medicine is based on he assumption that certain illnesses and disease states are caused by
psychological factors. Researchers (for example, Alexander, 1950) identified several "psychosomatic"
diseases, including peptic ulcers, essential hypertension, and bronchial asthma. All illnesses were
divided into those caused by "organic" or physical factors and those caused by psychological factors.
Some who adopted this perspective believed that each psychosomatic illness had a different, specific
underlying unconscious conflict predisposing the person to that disorder.
For example, repressed hostility was believed to result in rheumatoid arthritis. Although initially
appealing, these ideas.(and psychosomatic medicine in general) began to founder as it became apparent
that such specific psychogenic factors were not very predictive; most empirical studies did not support
the theories. In fact, psychosocial factors are involved in all diseases, but these factors may not necessarily
have a primary causal role.
Psychosomatic medicine was largely the province of psychiatrists and physicians. However,
behavioral psychologists began to extend the range of their therapy methods to the so called medical
disorders. Problems such as obesity and smoking came under the scrutiny of psychologists as well.
Then came a rapid increase in the use of biofeedback to help patients control or modify certain
physiological responses.
Another set of factors was slow to develop but ultimately had a strong impact. By the 1960s, many
major infectious diseases had been conquered. The helping professions began to turn their attention to
two of the biggest killers: cardiovascular diseases and cancer. Behaviors such as overeating, smoking,
and drinking were increasingly identified as major correlates of these diseases. The spotlight began
to shine not just on the disease process itself, but also on the associated behaviors whose reduction or
elimination might reduce individuals' vulnerability to disease.
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During the 1960s, stressful life events began to be implicated as specific risk factors for illness (for
example, Holmes & Rahe, 1967). The examination of how stressful major life events affect health led to an
examination of the health consequences of daily hassles, which can also prove stressful (for example, R. S.
Lazarus, 1984). A related line of research demonstrated how personality and behavioral style can influence
health. The impetus came from two cardiologists who were impressed with a common constellation of
traits and behaviors shared by many who suffered from coronary heart disease. The so-called Type A
personality (Friedman & Rosenman, 1974) is characterized by hostility, competitiveness, and being
time driven. Although subsequent research has failed to support a direct link between Type A personality
and heart disease (Brannon & Feist, 2000; Rice, 1998), the hypothesis stimulated research in health
psychology and served to focus attention on other behavioral risk factors for coronary heart disease (such
as smoking and lack of exercise), as well as on prevention efforts.
The recognition that both psychological and social factors influence illness and health is the basis
of an influential perspective known as the biopsychosocial model (Engel, 1977). In many ways, this
model can be viewed as an integration of the biomedical and psychosocial perspectives. As the name
implies, the biopsychosocial model holds that illness and health are a function of biological,
psychological, and social influences. Biological influences can include genetic predispositions,
nutritional deficiencies, and biochemical imbalances. Psychological influences can include the
individual's behaviors, emot i on s, and cog n it i ons.
Finally, soci al influences can include friends, family memb ers, home environment, and life
events. This biopsychosocial model represents how health psychologists conceptualize problems and plan
interventions.
Many other factors were important in the development of the field of health psychology. The tremendous
cost of health care has already been noted, along with the fact that infectious diseases were no longer
the principal culprits. A large portion of health care costs are directly traceable to human behaviors
and lifestyles that result in injuries, accidents, poisonings, or violence. Lifestyle choices such as alcohol and
drug abuse, smoking, and dietary patterns contribute to a variety of illnesses and diseases.
The foregoing are just a few of the more prominent factors in the development of the health psychology
field. We turn now to a discussion of how stress, lifestyle and behavior, personality, social support, and
health are linked. These links form the basis of the field of health psychology.
LINKING HEALTH WITH LIFESTYLE, BEHAVIOR, PERSONALITY, SOCIAL S UP P ORT,
AND STRESS
What are the processes by which psychological and social factors influence health and disease?
STRESS AND HEALTH:
Although the term stress is frequently used, it is not often precisely defined ( B r a n n o n & F e i s t , 2 0 0 0 ).
S o me u s e t h e t e r m t o refer to a quality of an external stimulus (such as a stressful interview), others to
refer to a response to a stimulus (the interview caused stress), and still others believe stress results from
an interaction between stimulus and response (stress resulted because the interview was challenging and
I was not prepared).
Most contemporary health psychologists adopt this third, interactionist viewpoint, seeing stress as a
process that involves an environmental event (a stressor), its appraisal by the individual (is it
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challenging or threatening?), the various responses of the organism (physiological, emotional,
cognitive, behavioral), and the reevaluations that occur as a result of these responses and changes in the
stressor (Rice, 1998). These and other psychosocial stimuli may contribute to a stress process that can
then directly affect the hormonal system, the autonomic system, and the immune system.
The physiological effect of stress on the body involves a complex chain of events (Brannon & Feist, 2000).
Stress causes the sympathetic nervous system, a system responsible for mobilizing body resources in ur-
gent situations, to stimulate the adrenal medulla of the adrenal gland. This results in the production of the
catecholamines epinephrine and nor epinephrine, whose effects on the body include increased heart
rate, respiration, blood flow, and muscle strength. Stress also causes the pituitary gland (a structure
connected to the hypothalamus in the forebrain) to release adrenocorticotropic hormone (ACTH), and
ACTH stimulates the adrenal' cortex of the adrenal gland to secrete glucocorticoids. The most im-
portant glucocorticoids where stress is concerned is cortisol. Cortisol is a hormone that, like epi-
nephrine and nor epinephrine, mobilizes the body's resources. Cortisol serves primarily to increase
energy level and decrease inflammation. The latter function is particularly useful if injuries are sustained in
an urgent situation.
Although responses of the body to stress can be helpful, severe stress and prolonged activation of these
systems can have adverse effects o body organs, mental functions, and the immune system. For example,
stress can affect the immune system so that it cannot effectively destroy viruses, bacteria, tumors,
and irregular cells. More than two decades ago, Ader and Cohen (1975) presented evidence
suggesting that the nervous system and the immune system interact and are interdependent by
demonstrating that immune system responses in rats could be classically conditioned. This initial
report eventually, led to a number of studies investigating the relationship between physiological fac-
tors (such as reactions to stress) and immune system response (Brannon & Feist, 2000). Currently it remains
unclear whether immunosuppression is a direct effect of stress or whether it is simply part of the body's
response to stressful events (Brannon & Feist, 2000). In any case, stress does appear to be an important
(though not the only)influence on health and illness.
BEHAVIOR AND HEALTH:
Behaviors, habits, and lifestyles can affect both health and disease. Everything from smoking, excessive
drinking, or poor diet to deficient hygiene practices have been implicated. Such behaviors are often deeply
rooted in cultural values or personal needs and expectations. In any event, they are not easily changed. We
will discuss in more detail several behaviors or lifestyle choices that have been linked to health. These
include cigarette smoking, alcohol abuse and dependence, and weight control.
Cognitive variables may influence our decisions about adopting healthy or unhealthy behaviors. To
cite one example, many health psychologists have focused on the variable self efficacy. Self-efficacy,
refers to "people's beliefs about their capabilities to exercise control over events that affect t h e i r l i v e s "
( B a n d u r a , 1 9 8 9 , ) S e l f - e f f i cacy is relevant to a number of topics addressed by health psychologists,
including major theories of health-related behavior change. This construct plays a major role in the most
prominent social cognitive models of health behavior, including the health belief model (Rosenstock,
1974: Rosenstock, Strecher, & Becker, 1988), protection motivation theory (R. WV. Rogers, 1975; Sturges
& Rogers, 1996), and the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 1985, 1988).
Protection motivation theory (PMT), for example, posits that behavior is a function of threat
appraisal (an evaluation of factors that will affect the likelihood of engaging in the behavior, such as
perceived vulnerability and perceived potential for harm) and coping appraisal (an evaluation of
one's ability to avoid or cope with negative outcome). Coping appraisal is influenced by one's self-
efficacy or belief that one can implement the appropriate coping behavior or strategy (Maddux et al.,
1995).
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An example that applies PMT to a real-life health decision may be instructive. Janey, an adolescent
girl faced with a decision about whether or not to start smoking cigarettes, according to PMT,
would engage in threat appraisal and coping appraisal. Threat appraisal might involve evaluating the
dangers of smoking (such as lung cancer) as well as the likelihood of her own vulnerability to this outcome.
To the extent that she does not perceive the danger to be severe or immediate to herself. Janey might be
more likely to start smoki n g . C o p i n g a p p r a i s al i s a l s o r e l ev a n t . T h i s p ro cess might involve
Janey's evaluation of how likely it is that she could refrain from smoking (the recommended coping
strategy). To the extent that Janey's believes she will not be able to refrain from smoking (for example,
because all her f ri e n d s smo k e s , i t b e c o me s mo r e l i k e l y t h a t s h e will engage in this behavior.
Thus, the cognitive variable self-efficacy can play a prominent role in behavior and lifestyle choices
that ultimat ely influence health.
Problems can also arise from the ways in which people respond to illness. Some people may be
unable or unwilling to appreciate the severity of their illness and fail to seek timely medical help.
When they do get medical advice, they may fail to heed it. All of these behaviors can indirectly foster
adverse outcomes.
PERSONALITY FACTORS:
Both directly and indirectly, personality characteristics can affect health and illness in many ways
(Friedman & Booth-Kewlev, 1987):
(1) personality features may result from disease processes;
(2) personality features may lead to unhealthy behaviors;
(3) personality may directly affect disease through p h y s i o l o g i c a l me c h a n i s ms : ( 4 ) a t h i r d ,
u n d e rl y ing biological variable may relate to both personality and disease; and
(5) several causes and feedback loops may affect the relationship between personality and disease.
Perhaps the most widely studied association between a personality trait and illness is that between Type
A behavior and coronary heart disease. As mentioned previously, the notion of a possible link between
personality or coping style and adverse health consequences, specifically coronary heart disease, was
proposed by two cardiologists (Friedman & Rosenman, 1974). They identified a set of discriminating
personality characteristics and behaviors and proposed that these constitute a Type A behavior
pattern. Glass (1977) describes Type A individuals as those who tend to:
Perceive time passing quickly,
Show a deteriorating performance on tasks that require delayed responding,
Work near maximum capacity even when there is no time deadline,
Arrive early for appointments,
Become aggressive and hostile when frustrated,
Report less fatigue and fewer physical symptoms,
Are intensely motivated to master their physical and social environments and to maintain control,
A number of early studies suggested a relationship between Type A behavior and coronary heart
disease. However, these findings were often misinterpreted as indicating that Type A individuals are
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likely to develop coronary heart disease (Davison & Neale, 1998). More recent studies do not show
as strong a relationship between Type A behavior and heart disease as was once thought (Smith,
1992), and it is clear that the vast majority of Type A individuals do not develop coronary heart
disease (CHD). However, Type A individuals are at relatively greater risk for CHD. More recent
studies suggest that the anger-hostility component of the Type A pattern does a better job of
predicting coronary heart disease than the more global Type A categorization.
SOCIAL SUPPORT AND HEALTH:
A topic attracting increased research interest is social support and its effects on health and well-being.
Social support refers not only to the number of social relationships, but also to the quality of those
relationships (can you confide in your friends and family members?) The basic idea is that interpersonal
ties can actually promote health. They insulate people from harm when they encounter stress, decrease
susceptibility to illness, and help people comply with and maintain treatment regimens. Social support is, in
many ways, a kind of coping assistance. A number of studies have indicated that better health outcomes are
positively related to social support. For example, Williams et al. (1992) followed approximately 1400
patients with coronary artery disease for an average of 9 years, and found that patients who rated higher
on measures of social support (for example, married, able to confide in spouses) exhibited significantly
lower rates of mortality over the follow-up period. This relation held even after controlling for demographic
variables and medical risk factors. This study and others suggest that social support may act as a type of
"buffer" against adverse health outcomes.
The relationships among social support stress, and health may depend on a number o factors,
including race, gender, and culture. For example, women (on average) seem to benefit more from social
support than do men; this may be because women tend to have more emotionally intimate relationships
(Brannon & Feist 2000). Preliminary data also suggest that white may benefit from social support more
than non whites (Brannon & Feist, 2000). However, the reason for this is not clear, and the possibility of
race and ethnic differences needs further study Clearly, the relationship between social support
and health is complex.
RANGE OF APPLICATIONS OF HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY
A full description of all the problems is hard to describe but a partial list culled from recent accounts
would include the following:
1. Smoking
2. Alcohol abuse Obesity
3. Type A personality
4. Hypertension
5. Alzheimer's disease
6. Acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS)
7. Cystic fibrosis
8. Anorexia nervosa
9. Chronic vomiting
10. Ulcers
11. Irritable bowel syndrome
12. Tics
13. Cerebral palsy
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14. Cerebrovascular accidents
15. Epilepsy
16. Asthma
17. Neurodermatitis
18. Chronic pain
19. Headaches
20. Insomnia Diabetes
21. Dental disorders
22. Cancer
23. Spinal cord injuries
24. Sexual dysfunction
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Table of Contents:
  1. MENTAL HEALTH TODAY: A QUICK LOOK OF THE PICTURE:PARA-PROFESSIONALS
  2. THE SKILLS & ACTIVITIES OF A CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGIST:THE INTERNSHIP
  3. HOW A CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGIST THINKS:Brian’s Case; an example, PREDICTION
  4. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGY:THE GREEK PERIOD
  5. HISTORY OF CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGY:Research, Assessment, CONCLUSION
  6. HOW CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGISTS BECAME INVOLVED IN TREATMENT
  7. MODELS OF TRAINING IN CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGY:PROFESSIONAL SCHOOLS
  8. CURRENT ISSUES IN CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGY:CERTIFICATION, LICENSING
  9. ETHICAL STANDARDS FOR CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGISTS:PREAMBLE
  10. THE ROLE OF RESEARCH IN CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGY:LIMITATION
  11. THE RESEARCH PROCESS:GENERATING HYPOTHESES, RESEARCH METHODS
  12. THE CONCEPT OF ABNORMAL BEHAVIOR & MENTAL ILLNESS
  13. CAUSES OF MENTAL ILLNESOVERVIEW OF ETIOLOGY:PANDAS
  14. THE PROCESS OF DIAGNOSIS:ADVANTAGES OF DIAGNOSIS, DESCRIPTION
  15. THE CONCEPT OF PSYCHOLOGICAL ASSESSMENT IN CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGY
  16. THE CLINICAL INTERVIEW:The intake / admission interview, Structured interview
  17. THE ASSESSMENT OF INTELLIGENCE:RELIABILTY AND VALIDITY, CATTELL’S THEORY
  18. INTELLIGENCE TESTS:PURPOSE, COMMON PROCEDURES, PURPOSE
  19. THE USE AND ABUSE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTING:PERSONALITY
  20. THE PROJECTIVE PERSONALITY TESTS:THE RORSCHACH
  21. THE OBSERVATIONAL ASSESSMENT AND ITS TYPES:Home Observation
  22. THE BEHAVIORAL ASSESSMENT THROUGH INTERVIEWS, INVENTORIES AND CHECK LISTS
  23. THE PROCESS AND ACCURACY OF CLINICAL JUDGEMENT:Comparison Studies
  24. METHODS OF IMPROVING INTERPRETATION AND JUDGMENT
  25. PSYCHOLOGICAL INTERVENTIONS AND THEIR GOALS:THE EXPERT ROLE
  26. IMPORTANCE OF PSYCHOTHERAPY:ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS
  27. COURSE OF NEW CLINICAL INTERVENTIONS:IMPLEMENTING TREATMENT
  28. NATURE OF SPECIFIC THERAPEUTIC VARIABLES:CLIENT’S MOTIVATION
  29. THE BEGINNING OF PSYCHOANALYSIS:THE CASE OF ANNA, THE INSTINCTS
  30. PSYCHOANALYTIC ALTERNATIVES:EGO ANALYSIS, CURATIVE FACTORS
  31. CLIENT CENTERED THERAPY:PURPOSE, BACKGROUND, PROCESS
  32. GESTALT THERAPY METHODS AND PROCEDURES:SELF-DIALOGUE
  33. ORIGINS AND TRADITIONAL TECHNIQUES OF BEHAVIOR THERAPY
  34. COGNITIVE BEHAVIORAL THERAPY:MODELING, RATIONAL RESTRUCTURING
  35. GROUP THERAPY: METHODS AND PROCEDURES:CURATIVE FACTORS
  36. FAMILY AND COUPLES THERAPY:POSSIBLE RISKS
  37. INTRODUCTION AND HISTORY OF COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGY:THE ENVIRONMENT
  38. METHODS OF INTERVENTION AND CHANGE IN COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGY
  39. INTRODUCTION AND HISTORY OF HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY
  40. APPLICATIONS OF HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY:OBESITY, HEALTH CARE TRENDS
  41. NEUROPSYCHOLOGY PERSPECTIVES AND HISTORY:STRUCTURE AND FUNCTION
  42. METHODS OF NEUROLOGICAL ASSESSMENT:Level Of Performance, Pattern Analysis
  43. FORENSIC PSYCHOLOGY:Qualification, Testifying, Cross Examination, Criminal Cases
  44. PEDIATRIC AND CHILD PSYCHOLOGY: HISTORY AND PERSPECTIVE
  45. INTERVENTIONS & TRAINING IN PEDIATRIC AND CLINICAL CHILD PSYCHOLOGY